Contents: INTRODUCTION. Kazimierz TWARDOWSKI: The Majesty of the University. I. Zygmunt ZIEMBI??N??SKI: What Can Be Saved of the Idea of the University? Leszek KO??l??AKOWSKI: What Are Universities for? Leon GUMA??N??SKI: The Ideal University and Reality. Zygmunt BAUMAN: The Present Crisis of the Universities. II. Kazimierz AJDUKIEWICZ: On Freedom of Science. Henryk SAMSONOWICZ: Universities and Democracy. Jerzy TOPOLSKI: The Commonwealth of Scholars and New Conceptions of Truth. Klemens SZANIAWSKI: Plus ratio quam vis. III. Leon KOJ: Science, Teaching and Values. (...) Klemens SZANIAWSKI: The Ethics of Scientific Criticism. Jerzy BRZEZI??N??SKI: Ethical Problems of Research Work of Psychologists. IV. Janusz GO??L??KOWSKI: Tradition in Science. Jerzy KMITA: Is a "Creative Man of Knowledge" Needed in University Teaching? Leszek NOWAK: The Personality of Researchers and the Necessity of Schools in Science. RECAPITULATION. Jerzy BRZEZI??N??SKI: Reflections on the University. (shrink)

From the viewpoint of its Stalinist-era creators, the IKKN/INS could at best be described as a mixed success. Despite heroic efforts, it failed to train the cadres that might have permeated Polish scholarship with Marxism-Leninism. If it was the major channel for transmitting Soviet experience to Polish academia, then Poland's universities would not learn to be Soviet—the Polish historian Jerzy Halbersztadt has made the point that the institute was the only direct conduit of Soviet experience into Polish academic life. It (...) even had a major role in educating some of Poland's most famous critical thinkers, although they, unlike their master Adam Schaff, seem less fond of reminiscing about the institute. Leszek Koŀakowski writes that he does not regard his role in the ideological struggles of the early 1950s as a “source of pride”.90The legacy of the IKKN/INS has also been a mixed one. It was not only a “foundry of revisionists”. For every future critical thinker of world repute, it graduated several cadres who served the PZPR loyally over decades. Adam Schaff recognises this dual legacy. Looking back on a long and active life, he has called the institute a “pearl in my crown”.91 Its members filled top party and government posts throughout the history of People's Poland. Andrzej Werblan served as Central Committee secretary and a member of the Politburo, Sylwester Zawadzki became minister of justice, Stanisŀaw Wroński was minister of culture, Mieczysŀaw Jagielski was the Politburo member who negotiated the Gdańsk accords, Stanisŀaw Kania succeeded Edward Gierek, and Mieczysŀaw Rakowski acted as General Jaruzelski's Party First Secretary.92Undoubtedly much of the institute's strange course is to be attributed to the designs of Adam Schaff. Despite his Moscow training, Schaff retained an attachment to the Polish academic milieu which had formed him. He may have believed in Stalinist doctrine, but he also believed that this doctrine would show its superiority in competition with other views—even if the competition was far from a fair one. Of course, Schaff tried to retain ultimate control, and to play, as he now calls himself, the “grey eminence”. Nevertheless, his was a very unstalinist way of propagating Stalinism, and he must be given credit for helping to keep a spirit of intellectual inquiry alive in Poland during the dark years of the early 1950s.Yet Schaff tends to exaggerate his personal role in educating philosophers, dissidents and critical thinkers. This tendency is itself a legacy of the Stalinist period and its concentration of power. Stalinists view the present as their personal creation and therefore reject all criticisms of the past. At the final meeting of the Crooked Circle Club in 1962, Schaff encountered unwonted criticism from, among others, Andrzej Walicki. Schaff shot back at him: “You are ours, you are our creation, a creation of socialism ... we educated you, and we didn't do such a bad job.” But far from being a “creation” of Schaff's, the non-party member Walicki had been denied admission to graduate studies in philosophy. He felt relieved when those in attendance, who knew him better than Schaff did, burst out laughing.93The point is that the Polish intellectual world maintained its integrity outside the IKKN/INS, and in the end it was the institute which merged into the Polish intelligentsia, rather than the opposite. After 1957 the non-Marxist sociologists and philosophers made their way back to academia, and were joined by many former INS staff members. The basic unity of Polish social science training, and of the Polish intelligentsia, was restored.94Of course in a larger sense the fate of the IKKN/INS had little to do with the designs of its master. Schaff admits as much, proclaiming that “I did this because I did not know what I was doing!” If he had been asked to start such a project five years later, the answer would have been: “No!”95 The fatal flaw of the Institute for Training Scientific Cadres was cadres: Poland did not have them. By 1956, Schaff and the party leadership, and perhaps Soviet advisers as well, had learned that one could not create an elite party scientific institution almost out of nothing. It would either be party or scientific, because apparatchiki could not become scientists, scientists would not become apparatchiki, and students could not produce teachers. In the Stalinist period, Polish intellectual life had stood in the shadow of the party; yet during the Thaw the relationship was reversed—increasingly the tiny party training institute was engulfed by the shadow of the resurgent Polish universities. Talented young people, even those in the party, made their way into the traditional higher educational establishment.The IKKN/INS did not, therefore, fail because of its own failings, nor succeed because of its own successes. It was a failed part of a failed whole. To succeed, “mild” revolution would have required decades, and Poland's Stalinists had only a few years. To make matters worse—or better, depending on viewpoint—they did not use these years in a conventional Stalinist manner. Under Schaff's guidance and at somewhat erratic Soviet bidding, the institute became an awkward series of half-measures, reminiscent of much of Polish Stalinism. When Poland's communists fell back and regrouped in 1956, the IKKN/INS occupied a lonely position they preferred to abandon. (shrink)

The article deals with the philosophy of Nikolai Berdjaev (1874–1948), which he formulated between The Philosophy of Inequality (written in 1918, but published in 1923) and The New Middle - Ages (1924). Berdjaev’s philosophy is analyzed in the context of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and its aftermath. The other point of reference is the crisis of culture and civilisation, which affected the West in the inter-war period. Berdjaev’s position has been interpreted in view of the archetypal myth of the (...) struggle of the two principles, the principle of order (cosmos) and the forces of destruction (chaos). This myth is tied to the millenialist world view. Berdjaev took an anti-utopian stance. He juxtaposed the utopian-revolutionary principle with the hierarchical-creative one. From this position he criticized among others democracy, liberalism and socialism. In the midst of the crisis of the 1920s he remarked the possibility of spiritual rejuvenation putting forward the concept of the New Middle-Ages. One can say that at that time Berdjaev’s philosophy evolved within the conservative-creative framework, from the utopia of conservatism to the utopia of ‘free creativity’. (shrink)

Leszek Kołakowski explores 23 questions asked by great philosophers, introducing us to the great ideas and philosophers of Western thought.

For over a century, philosophers have argued that philosophy is impossible or useless, or both. Although the basic notion dates back to the days of Socrates, there is still heated disagreement about the nature of truth, reality, knowledge, the good, and God. This may make little practical difference to our lives, but it leaves us with a feeling of radical uncertainty, a feeling described by Kolakowski as "metaphysical horror." "The horror is this," he says, "if nothing truly exists except the (...) Absolute, the Absolute is nothing if nothing truly exists except myself, I am nothing." The aim of this book, for Kolakowski, is finding a way out of this seeming dead end. In a trenchant analysis that serves as an introduction to nearly all of Western philosophy, Kolakowski confronts these dilemmas head on through examinations of several prominent philosophers including Descartes, Spinoza, Husserl, and many of the Neo-Platonists. He finds that philosophy may not provide definitive answers to the fundamental questions, yet the quest itself transforms our lives. It may undermine most of our certainties, yet it still leaves room for our spiritual yearnings and religious beliefs. The final sentence of the book captures the hopefulness that has survived the horror of nothingness when Kolakowski asks: "Is it not reasonable to suspect that if existence were pointless and the universe devoid of meaning, we would never have achieved not only the ability to imagine otherwise, but even the ability to entertain this very thought--to wit, that existence is pointless and the universe devoid of meaning?" The answer, of course, is clear. Now it is up to readers to take up the challenge of his arguments. (shrink)

Wychodząc od metaforycznego (figuralnego) ujęcia problemu zła, w oparciu o wybrane przemyślenia Leszka Kołakowskiego, rozważania składające się na artykuł zmierzają do namysłu nad „złem w polityce” w sensie niedomagań i nadużyć wolności: pokus władzy autokratycznej i totalitarnej. Dotyczą antropologicznego i politycznego przekraczania granic wolności kosztem (aż do zniesienia) wolności innych. Evil Politics or Trouble with the Devil. Reflections on the Political Demonology of Leszek Kołakowski Proceeding from a metaphorical (figurative) account of the problem of evil, and based on (...) class='Hi'>Leszek Kołakowski’s selected thoughts, this paper’s considerations aim to deliberate on “evil in politics” in the spirit of the shortcomings and excesses of freedom: namely, the lure of autocratic and totalitarian power. At issue is how the bounds of freedom are anthropologically and politically transgressed at the expense (to the point of abolishing) the freedom of others. (shrink)

First lecture: The end -- Second lecture: The means -- Third lecture: The achievements.

Leszek Kolakowski discusses, in a highly original way, the arguments for and against the existence of God as they have been conducted through the ages. He examines the critiques of religious belief, from the Epicureans through Nietzsche to contemporary anthropological inquiry, the assumptions that underlie them, and the counter-arguments of such apologists as Descartes, Leibniz, and Pascal. His exploration of the philosophy of religion covers the historical discussions of the nature and existence of evil, the importance of the concepts (...) of failure and eternity to the religious impulse, the relationship between skepticism and mysticism, and the place of reason, understanding, and in models of religious thought. He examines why people, throughout known history, have cherished the idea of eternity and existence after death, and why this hope has been dependent on the worship of an eternal reality. He confronts the problems of meaning in religious language. (shrink)

The article deals with the philosophy of Nikolai Berdjaev, which he formulated between The Philosophy of Inequality and The New Middle-Ages. Berdjaev’s philosophy is analyzed in the context of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and its aftermath. The other point of reference is the crisis of culture and civilisation, which affected the West in the inter-war period. Berdjaev’s position has been interpreted in view of the archetypal myth of the struggle of the two principles, the principle of order and the (...) forces of destruction. This myth is tied to the millenialist world view. Berdjaev took an anti-utopian stance. He juxtaposed the utopian-revolutionary principle with the hierarchical-creative one. From this position he criticized among others democracy, liberalism and socialism. In the midst of the crisis of the 1920s he remarked the possibility of spiritual rejuvenation putting forward the concept of the New Middle-Ages. One can say that at that time Berdjaev’s philosophy evolved within the conservative-creative framework, from the utopia of conservatism to the utopia of ‘free creativity’. (shrink)

Podjęta w artykule problematyka dotyczy słynnej figury Wielkiego Inkwizytora, z którą spotykamy się w filozoficznych rozważaniach Józefa Tischnera; oczywiście, figury wprost zaczerpniętej z kart powieści Fiodora Dostojewskiego. Nie są to zresztą jedyne nawiązania myśli Tischnera do „imaginarium filozoficznego” twórcy Braci Karamazow. Warto zatem przyjrzeć się bliżej temu, co kryje się w „cieniu”, jaki roztacza wokół siebie Wielki Inkwizytor. Rozważania, nolens volens, muszą zatem dotyczyć „darów” Wielkiego Inkwizytora: pozornego dobra i pozornej wolności. Innymi słowy: zapytamy o postać Wielkiego Inkwizytora jako – (...) niepokojącą, wciąż groźną – „centralną postać nowożytnej filozofii władzy”. I Dostojewski, i Tischner przywołują bowiem pytania, które nie dają się prostym sposobem odsunąć i gestem tym niejako unieważnić, nadal stawiają nas przed niebezpieczeństwem „iluzji” politycznej, w której stawką pozostają najwyższe wartości. (shrink)

We show, under the assumption that factoring is hard, that a model of PV exists in which the polynomial hierarchy does not collapse to the linear hierarchy; that a model of S21 exists in which NP is not in the second level of the linear hierarchy; and that a model of S21 exists in which the polynomial hierarchy collapses to the linear hierarchy. Our methods are model-theoretic. We use the assumption about factoring to get a model in which the weak (...) pigeonhole principle fails in a certain way, and then work with this failure to obtain our results. As a corollary of one of the proofs, we also show that in S21 the failure of WPHP (for Σb1 definable relations) implies that the strict version of PH does not collapse to a finite level. (shrink)

Résumé L’auteur interroge la relation complexe que la peinture de Bernard Villers entretient avec la culture du livre et avec la pratique de l’édition. En effet, le livre – dans tous les sens du terme – a profondément marqué sa démarche de peintre. Il s’agit donc d’analyser l’impulsion que le livre a pu donner à la pratique et aux stratégies picturales. Plusieurs aspects de cette fascination pour la possibilité de faire de la peinture en faisant des livres sont donc passés (...) en revue à la recherche d’une cohérence : les inspirations littéraires, l’inscription du livre dans le quotidien, le livre comme objet, etc., mais surtout l’utilisation du recto et du verso en peinture. (shrink)

Poland, after social-politic-economic transformation in 1989, became a capitalistic, free-market country. In this conditions human being can be perceived as an object, not a subject of economic life. Therefore the import ant issue is to take up problems associated with human subjectivity. And human subjectivity is expressed in his personal dignity.

This book was written with the purpose of revealing the duty of each individual to search for truth and the meaning of existence. Thinking requires determination and endurance. It is not easy. Above all, passion for truth is necessary for every honest seeker.

Henri Bergson was born the year that Darwin published On the Origin of Species. The significance of this and other works on the theory of evolution in the development of Bergson's philosophy became clear when he published Creative Evolution and established himself as one of Europe's most influential thinkers. Kolakowski shows how Bergson sought to reconcile Darwinian theory with the view that all matter is propelled by an internal life-drive.

Modifying the methods of Z. Adamowicz's paper Herbrand consistency and bounded arithmetic [3] we show that there exists a number n such that ⋃m Sm (the union of the bounded arithmetic theories Sm) does not prove the Herbrand consistency of the finitely axiomatizable theory $S_{3}^{n}$.

Artykuł jest dygresyjnym przeglądem kilku internetowych witryn muzeów, wybranych i uporządkowanych tematycznie według klucza naukowych zainteresowań autora, zwłaszcza w kontekście sposobu udostępniania online zgromadzonych zbiorów. Instytucje muzealne proponują rozmaite metody i zakresy prezentacji: od najprostszego zamieszczenia fotografii kilkudziesięciu najbardziej spektakularnych zabytków (tzw. _highlights of the collection_) po profesjonalne bazy danych obejmujące całość zasobów wraz z obiektami magazynowymi, wspomagane zaawansowanymi narzędziami przeszukiwania i w pełni naukową deskrypcją. Bez wątpienia w obliczu tego faktu poszczególne muzea różnie definiują profil adresatów swoich kolekcji prezentowanych (...) online. (shrink)

This compound paper presents the views of two Polish philosophers on the strong international pressures influencing the development of Polish philosophy in recent times. The first part, by Leszek Koczanowicz, treats the philosophical situation and problems of totalitarian Poland under the influence of Soviet Marxism, while the second part, by Adam Chmielewski, focuses on the main trends and difficulties of post‐totalitarian Poland, dominated by Western influence.

We introduce the notion of a Minkowskian Branching Structure ("MBS" for short). Then we prove some results concerning the phenomenon of funny business in its finitary and infinitary variants.

Niniejsza wypowiedź jest próbą ukazania wyższości intelektualnej jednostki wybitnej nad jednostkami przeciętnymi. Transgresja jest tutaj formą przejścia, przemiany artysty, negującego zastany porządek świata, pragnącego podłożyć podwaliny pod nową rzeczywistość widzianą oczami szalonego geniusza - Friedricha Nietzschego, do którego często się odwołuję. Jego pojęcie \"Nadczłowieka\" jest tożsame z pojęciem genialnego twórcy, jednostki wybitnej, niezrozumiałej przez pospólstwo, która swoimi horyzontami twórczymi wybiega daleko poza własną epokę\".

The subject of this study considers the role played by the two models in transformation of Polish society: the knightly ethos and the bourgeois ethos. The main research question is whether these patterns are competitive with each other or complementary? Must the chivalric ethos disappear from social consciousness so that a bourgeois ethos can appear in its place, or are these value systems complementary? In the literature on the subject, as well as in common knowledge, one often encounters claims that (...) one can be either a romantic or a pragmatist, and that it is impossible to combine these two attitudes neither in the sphere of ideas nor in action. It is for this reason that the romantic approach derived from the chivalric ethos is now often analyzed within the framework of the so-called critical theory. In other words, it is deconstructed in order to make room for a paradigm that appeals to utilitarianism and constructivism. The thesis of this article is as follows: the romantic chivalric paradigm, despite many differences, is not opposed to the bourgeois paradigm. These approaches serve to realize the same values and virtues, but under different historical conditions and in dissimilar social and civilizational contexts. The text is based on the analysis of the two ethical models presented in sociological literature, in selected literary texts, and in biographies of selected historical figures. The conclusion presents findings of the undertaken analysis. In the author’s opinion, the two ethoses can play positive roles in Poland’s modernization and they are not completely mutually exclusive, as it is the case in some approaches analyzing social transformations that took place in Poland in the 19th and 20th centuries. This conclusion is also valid in the times of change that Poland is facing today. (shrink)

Unia Europejska jest nową, dynamicznie rozwijającą się na naszych oczach rzeczywistością. Jej historia, pomimo niewielu lat istnienia, jest bogata i bardzo złożona, tak jak i cała struktura Unii. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, że jednym z najważniejszych elementów, które zdecydowały o tym, by ideę jednoczenia się naszego kontynentu próbować przełożyć na konkretne dokonania, były europejskie doświadczenia, wpisane na karty historii, szczególnie najnowszej historii XX stulecia, poranionej dwoma wojnami światowymi, niezliczonymi konfliktami i dramatami kulturowymi, etnicznymi, narodowościowymi.

Unia Europejska jest nową, dynamicznie rozwijającą się na naszych oczach rzeczywistością. Jej historia, pomimo niewielu lat istnienia, jest bogata i bardzo złożona, tak jak i cała struktura Unii. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, że jednym z najważniejszych elementów, które zdecydowały o tym, by ideę jednoczenia się naszego kontynentu próbować przełożyć na konkretne dokonania, były europejskie doświadczenia, wpisane na karty historii, szczególnie najnowszej historii XX stulecia, poranionej dwoma wojnami światowymi, niezliczonymi konfliktami i dramatami kulturowymi, etnicznymi, narodowościowymi.